If you are stressed about looming final papers and exams in the next two weeks and want to put these quaint college problems in perspective, keep reading! President-elect Donald Trump is laying his isolationist groundwork for the next four years as we spend day and night studying away.

Let us discuss what his second term could mean for the United States and the world. 

Trump is already shaping a narrative of his foreign policy agenda. He has expressed a desire to change the U.S.’ relations with NATO and European countries, pull back on climate change initiatives and make vague threats to get tough on the Middle East. 

Many of these policies pose serious risks to combatting authoritarianism, climate change and economic instability. Furthermore, America has shown the world that we are willing to give Trump a second chance to facilitate the damage he failed to inflict in his first term. We have work to do to restore our allies’ trust. 

Michael Edwards, co-communications director for the Undergraduate Political Science Association at the University of Minnesota, said Trump’s election and his support for authoritarian regimes does not bode well for Palestine and Ukraine. 

Trump’s isolationist policies, such as his tariff proposals and the threat he poses to trade agreements, are significant concerns for U.S. allies and trading partners globally, according to Edwards. His proposed tariffs — similar to the extreme tariffs that helped lead to the Great Depression — would cause price increases and destabilization of current global trade. 

The Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act implemented by former President Herbert Hoover in 1930 prompted other countries to impose tariffs in response, hurting global trade and worsening economic collapse in the U.S. 

Ronald Krebs, a political science professor at the University, said there will be areas of continuity and change in U.S. foreign policy. Among the continuities is a growing skepticism of the values of free trade agreements by the U.S., which Trump fueled in his first term. 

“Donald Trump also levied significant attacks against the World Trade Organization,” Krebs said. “Much of that has been continued under the Biden administration and there’s no reason to think it will not continue once again under a new Trump administration.” 

Krebs said Trump, like many other Republicans, is skeptical of international institutions that bind countries to certain agreements and responsibilities, such as the United Nations. 

“I think we can expect that the United States will, in general, have a more combative relationship with international institutions and be a less consistent supporter of international collaboration across the board,” Krebs said. 

Trump’s skepticism of international institutions that are important for promoting peace, security and sovereignty also influenced his stances on the war in Ukraine and Russian aggression. 

Without Trump’s rise to political popularity and leadership of the Republican party, Republicans would likely have been much more critical of Russia and more supportive of Ukraine’s sovereignty, according to Krebs.

“Donald Trump will either significantly reduce U.S. aid for Ukraine,” Krebs said. “But I think more likely is that we’re going to see Donald Trump use the threat of withholding aid and the promise of supplying Ukraine with more aid in an attempt to bring Ukraine to the negotiating table and to accept an arrangement that is far short of the Ukrainian ideal point, and indeed an arrangement that, until very recently, would have seemed to violate Ukrainian redlines.” 

Krebs said the war in Ukraine has illustrated the importance of American leadership in these efforts. 

“Over the last two-and-a-half years, the Europeans have made strong commitments to increase their military industrial base and supply Ukraine with arms, and despite what seemed to be the best of intentions, they have been laggard in doing so,” Krebs said. “Had the United States not stepped up, Ukraine would surely have already been defeated by the Russians and would now be a Russian puppet state.”  

While not as central in his campaign, one of the longest-lasting ramifications we may see from Trump’s second term is climate change. 

Elizabeth Gust, a second-year student, said Trump’s lack of focus on addressing climate change sets a dangerous precedent for addressing climate change globally.  

“The way he conducts himself, his behavior, his lack of experience and knowledge about policy leading to him still getting elected sets an interesting example for the United States,” Gust said. “The fact that the United States just as a whole is willing to have that as their leader, that example definitely sets a tone in global politics.” 

Trump withdrew the U.S. from the Paris climate agreement in his first term and is expected to do so again when he enters office in 2025. 

“There’s a concern that we are going to either repeal regulations we already have or not add more that we need to keep working on,” Gust said. “That will just set us back another however many decades in our efforts to lower carbon emissions which is irreparable damage statistically.” 

With all that said, it remains to be seen what Trump will be able to accomplish in the realm of foreign policy. 

Andrew Hogan, a University political science Ph.D. candidate, said it will be important to monitor Trump’s foreign policy cabinet posts and appointees that get confirmed by Congress to lead national security and intelligence agencies. 

“I think there’s just a lot of uncertainty about what Trump will do, as there always is,” Hogan said. “That’s a key part of his political image and even his appeal for a lot of people.”  

Hogan said there are three of Trump’s Make America Great Again factions to pay attention to, which he refers to as the “revenge and purge,” “non-interventionist” and “hawkish” MAGA factions. 

The “revenge and purge” faction focuses on attaining revenge for what Trump feels were roadblocks to his agenda put up by civil servants during his first term, Hogan said.“Non-interventionists” are skeptical of institutions like NATO and the “hawkish” faction prioritizes issues like the rivalry with China. How these factions make up Trump’s team will be important to facilitating his foreign policy agenda. 

These factions, especially “revenge and purge,” may create chaos that will make it difficult for Trump to accomplish goals such as ending the war in Ukraine, according to Hogan. 

“There won’t necessarily be experienced people to do that kind of work,” Hogan said. “I think it’s still very uncertain how Trump’s policies will or won’t be actualized in practice.” 

Hogan said Trump’s ability to implement his foreign policies was hindered in his first term because he centralized that power to himself. 

“It will be important to watch how well he can delegate to his staff and how much he can work the machinery of the federal government,” Hogan said.  

The next four years pave a path of uncertainty. Many of Trump’s stances on foreign policy are deeply troubling as we stand in the face of global conflicts and climate change. 

“It’s very easy to imagine all the horrible things that could happen in a Trump administration,” Hogan said. “But it can be consoling to remember that right now the U.S. is a representative democracy with a lot of checks and balances, and while the president has a lot of authority, especially in foreign policy, their authority is by no means unlimited.” 

This ruffly 1,000-word column definitely offered a comprehensive discussion of U.S. foreign policy, but still, I urge you to stay informed on these complex and imminent issues. 

While all of this awaits us, we have exams to finish. You should probably study now.